Saturday, December 17, 2011

 

Blaming China and U.S., Canada says quitting Kyoto


From The Hindu

Canada this week set a dangerous precedent that could unravel global progress towards mitigating climate change, when it said that it had decided to pull out of the Kyoto Protocol.

Canadian Environment Minister Peter Kent said, “The Kyoto Protocol does not cover the world's two largest emitters, the United States and China, and therefore cannot work.” He added that the Protocol originally covered countries generating less than 30 per cent of global emissions and now it covered less than only 13 per cent and that number was only shrinking.

The Kyoto Protocol, which was adopted in 1997, is part of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, aimed at fighting global warming by stabilising greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere “at a level that would prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system”.

Not surprisingly, China lashed out at Canada's plan to pull out of the agreement, with Foreign Ministry spokesman Liu Weimin reportedly describing the decision as being “regrettable,” and “against the efforts of the international community.”

Yet Mr. Kent said on Monday it was clear that the Protocol was not the path forward for a global solution to climate change, and if anything it was an impediment. “The Kyoto Protocol does not represent the path forward for Canada,” he noted, adding, “The Durban platform is a way forward to build on our work at Copenhagen and at Cancun.”

Canada's withdrawal comes at a time when it has increasingly gained the reputation of a climate “renegade” that has encouraged the rampant use of polluting energy platforms. For example, oil sands production, one of the most polluting forms of oil extraction, is at the heart of Canada's discussion with the U.S. regarding the now-infamous Keystone Pipeline.

Clearly, the impact of the global recession is also an unspoken factor in Canada's calculus. According to Mr. Kent, the cost of meeting Canada's obligations under Kyoto was in the range of $13.6 billion. “That is $1,600 from every Canadian family; that is the Kyoto cost to Canadians. That was the legacy of an incompetent liberal government,” he said.

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Tuesday, May 31, 2011

 

India's poor a matter of concern: Vinod Thomas


From The Hindu

With the annual Spring Meetings of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund happening earlier this month, both institutions sought to focus the world’s attention on multiple crises affecting developed and developing nations including food price inflation, natural disasters and their links to climate and the risk of ever more people descending into poverty following the worst economic downturn in eighty years. Even as nations continue to reel under the impact of these crises Vinod Thomas, Director-General at the World Bank, talked to Narayan Lakshman about their interconnected nature and indicated what focus future policies and reforms should have if they are to steer through the volatility.


Dr. Thomas currently heads the Independent Evaluation Group (IEG) of the World Bank, a role that allows his team to critically evaluate Bank performance across all areas. He reports directly to the Board of Executive Directors.


Joining the Bank in 1976, Dr. Thomas has held numerous senior roles including Country Director for Brazil and Vice President of the World Bank, Vice President of the World Bank Institute (WBI), Chief Economist for the World Bank in the East Asia and Pacific Region, Staff Director for the 1991 World Development Report, and Chief of Trade Policy and Principal Economist for Colombia. He has a PhD in Economics from of the University of Chicago and is the author of numerous books, articles, and reports.

Food price hike

Can you begin by addressing the serious nature of the food price inflation that World Bank President Robert Zoellick spoke about this week – firstly, could you give us some background whether food shortage is due to production or distribution? Have some market players been hoarding cereals, and how serious is this crisis compared to what happened in 2008?

First of all the price level has hovered around what it was in 2008 and actually exceeded that, so the 2011 price increase is comparable to 2008, which makes it a very serious issue without a question. There has been something like 36 per cent rise over the last year and for grain export prices it has been even 70 per cent in some instances. That is signalling a very serious situation on the pricing side.

India in particular is vulnerable because food price inflation has been high and it affects a large number of people with roughly 50 per cent of consumer expenditure of the poor certainly going to food. So in that sense the first link is with poverty. One of the recent estimates is that since June of last year, probably about 44 million additional people have gone into poverty. This is in addition to the increase in poverty that was estimated, as a result of the economic crisis in the previous 18 months, so if the two are combined you are talking about 100 million or more additional people in poverty on a global scale.

The global poverty numbers had come down to less than a billion, but all of a sudden you are now back into the story of the bottom billion and more than a billion in poverty right now, if you take the definition of the poverty line as $1.25 [per day]. For the world this is a concern and for the World Bank Group, whose primary objective is to reduce poverty, its main goal is at risk. For India, which has the largest numbers – but not percentage – of poor (by one estimate it is 400 million), this is obviously a matter of great concern.

Let us go to the question of how we can break this down a bit. This time around, both demand and supply factors are present, in the sense that with steady increase in incomes over the last decade the demand for food and grains – both grain for consumption and for use as livestock feed – has been going up steadily. But that has been a contributor in a sense, to a systematic increase in price rather than a jump. More of a secular increase than a blip. So that does not explain the increases in price that we see today.

So we go to the supply factors. First, in the short term, indeed buffer stocks have come down. Where there were stocks importance could be attributed to holding and hoarding also, as factors. But there is a big factor that is truly additional to all of this, compared to anything we have seen before, and that is why the 2011 crisis is more of a concern than what we noticed in 2008 even. That factor is natural disasters and climate change.

There is no doubt that the heat waves in Europe and the Russian drought and the floods in Pakistan and the combination of floods and drought all across the world have had an effect on supply side constraints. [Especially] the big price increases for wheat rather than rice [suggest that] these have been affected by floods and drought more heavily.

For the moment I will just flag the links to climate change as a factor [in the food price crisis] and in the solutions that were discussed during the Spring Meetings, it was not just a matter of having better distribution only, but what could be, in addition, fundamental ways in which productivity can be increased and [how to] deal with the new constraints that are being placed on agricultural productivity by climate change.

As a footnote to that answer, could I ask you this – you specifically mentioned Pakistan and floods and I believe that the Bank was involved in some of the humanitarian, post-flood recovery financing. So we can understand the Bank’s thinking on this subject better, how does the Bank decide between finance allocated for development needs versus emergency financing in such cases?

Absolutely, at one level the objective is people’s well-being and so if development is really halted because of a natural disaster and emergency needs, then doing all you can to contribute to emergency relief is also related to development efforts. In that sense I would say that dealing with crisis is as developmental as anything else.

Now, what instruments can the World Bank use for that? That is where there is a difference. It is not set up to do the kinds of things that the United Nations emergency services can do, or what the Red Cross can do, and what various other intergovernmental agencies can do, in that this is a group that provides financing, knowledge and know-how. The instruments of support differ. Even with that distinction, more and more, with the food and energy crisis and with natural disasters, an emergency window was opened at the World Bank to help with that worldwide. [It comprised] an emergency effort to provide loans that would disburse quickly to help the situation was undertaken. This was done in the case of Haiti and many others including Turkey, Pakistan, India and Bangladesh. Thus there have been loans made for natural disasters, with the difference perhaps that it has not been just been about mopping up the floor but putting in systems to stop the leak, because it is not enough to just mop the floor when the tap is still running.

What can be done especially in countries where these disasters will strike again and again with the same frequency? Since you mentioned Pakistan, here the response had to include not just the reconstruction of structures but the reconstruction of livelihoods, because [the folds] hit their agricultural base. In the case of Haiti the big effort would have to be [towards] the reconstruction of structures and urban life, if you will. It very much differs between earthquakes and floods.

So the Bank is involved, but a little more in long-term recovery and prevention than in the immediate reconstruction only.

Jobless recovery

Moving to a similar theme that came up during the Spring Meetings, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund [IMF], warned of a global economic recovery “without enough jobs” and also spoke of a lost generation of youth who could struggle in the job market. How do you see this playing out in the advanced economies worst hit by the downturn?

The crisis of 2008, as we all now recognise, originated in the industrial countries and that is where the recovery is also the weakest. The crisis hit the middle-income countries and low-income countries as well, eventually, but the recovery was fastest in Brazil, India and China.

In a way, today, the global growth rate is held up by the middle-income countries and the BRICs and the recovery elsewhere is proving to be essential because of the end of the day in a globalised setting the whole global economy needs to pick up. So one question is just about the recovery of growth in Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development [OECD] countries but the other is about the nature of the recovery, because if it does not create more jobs, every country is concerned about its impact socially.

The uprisings and the unrest in the Middle East, for rightful reasons – including the clamour for greater participation – as well as reasons of deprivation – especially of the youth, who have got some skills but cannot find jobs – is a concern right across the regions of the world, and not just in the Middle East. In the Middle East several countries with 30 per cent unemployment of the youth is a concern but the urban unemployment in many countries including India would also be something of concern.

Now, the OECD [countries’] recovery projections, its uncertainty [and] the inadequate corrections that have taken place following the crisis of 2008 are of concern on the financial side. The financial sector regulatory reforms have hardly kicked in – they have not really been implemented like we would have thought. Second, imbalances in the fiscal deficits on the side of the U.S. and European countries and the surpluses in China and elsewhere have not been corrected. The hope that groups like the G-20, somehow by representing a large share of global GDP, might be an effective way to address these and climate change issues, [is misplaced as] the G-20 has hardly been effective organisational group to make tough decisions or directions on global governance which is needed.

What [Mr. Kahn] said by way of concern over the lack of recovery in OECD countries and particularly the lack of job creation, which then, through trade, also translates into difficulties for developing countries to keep going, [is that] in a setting where you have these three crises and you do not have a good enough governance mechanism to take them on, [that] leaves us with continuing concern that the outlook would be something to watch very carefully and deal with through more vigorous steps at the national level and then through international organisations.

This set of questions has dominated some of the discussions and they need more forthright attention.

In all the things you just mentioned there were two key aspects. One is stability, which the IMF deals with to a large extent. But the other is the question of jobs, for which as you said even a concern in countries like India, despite being a BRIC and leading on the growth front, there are concerns. Is the Bank in any way engaged actively with any job-creation agenda and a long-term sustainable growth process in developing countries?

Very much so. The question would be: do they add up to a strong enough response? Very much so also in the sense that education and its link to employment is the single biggest point to be addressed. There are educational investments and access to education has increased everywhere. But the quality of education and learning outcomes and its relation to jobs that are available domestically or abroad, that link is very weak.

So the World Bank’s education strategy, which was recently approved at the Board, forcefully addresses this question of the relevance of education, the quality of education and the outcomes. In other words, what do they learn at all levels – primary, secondary and tertiary? That is the way in which the Bank’s financing and its relationship with governments and countries is trying to influence the way that the educational system could be a little better geared to meeting job market gaps.

This is an issue in India and everywhere. Even in a country like [South] Korea, which is the highest in terms of achievements on education, when you ask them about the biggest constraints they have, they put education at number one. It is not like middle-income countries or high-income countries are any better. That is one way the Bank is influencing [job creation].

The second would be [promoting] labour intensive types of activities. Considerable investments from the World Bank go into rural areas. There, if you were only concerned with raising production there may be a set of policies that you would pursue. But World Bank financing is very much for small- and medium-sized industries, microfinance, with all its problems is still a very important source and agricultural livelihoods with a particular focus on the poorer segments. The growth in agriculture [should not be] prejudiced against labour use because you can imagine that you grow very fast and you need less people and they are unemployed. The World Bank’s strategy is one that tries to promote labour-using ways of growing.

Third and finally, the International Finance Corporation, which is the private sector arm of the World Bank, has a number of innovative [approaches] that try to combine small-scale activities using a lot of labour in the private sector. Jain Irrigation in India is a nice example of combining knowledge, irrigation, education and the employment of a lot of people. These examples could be scaled up. The Bank is conscious of it but the real question is the scale of all this anywhere near what is needed in view of the big crisis that we mentioned at the beginning. The gaps are so large that we need to scale [these examples] up.

Climate change

Since Copenhagen, where there was a spike in awareness of climate change issues, what kind of progress do you think has been made? Has the Bank played any role in influencing the discourse as well as the actual agenda? Also, if I had to ask you to find a sticking point, would you say that it is the question of financing – adaptation and mitigation – and the disagreement between the developed and developing country groups? Or is it something else?

I think there was some progress in the last round, at least in terms of keeping issues open, and there is an expectation that it will go further later in the year. One question is: these rounds are international actions and they are about agreements and understandings among countries about what each would do. There is recognition that everybody would be hurt by inaction, but there is no agreement on how much each should do to avoid that situation. That is the bottom line.

Historically, the industrial countries are responsible for CO2 emissions of this order. The increments that are taking place today are shared by all, equal responsibility. The atmosphere does not differentiate between how many people are [polluting it – there is only a sense of] so much is coming from India and so much from China. When you look at it that way it is a shared responsibility and no longer somebody else’s problem.

Middle-income countries have everything to gain from dealing with this as developed countries [do] and there is no scenario under which if the developed countries acted and the developing countries did not act, we would avoid the worst case scenario. You need all to act. The question then is, how could this be addressed by the major countries as if it is in their own interest – that is they are not doing it for somebody else’s benefit but for their own survival.

That is what helped when trade discussions went forward. It was not so much because everybody said “Let us do it for everybody else;” [rather] the country which had a lot of trade restrictions said, “If I liberalise I am going to gain.” India did not [undertake] liberalisation because it was good for the United States – it did so because it was good for itself. Why is it not the same for the climate? Why is it not good for me to have a cleaner environment?

So, for example, do you think it is useful to frame it the way the Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh did earlier when he said that a certain percentage of Gross Domestic Product [GDP] was being lost to climate change effects?

Absolutely. We have estimates for India, China, Argentina, Brazil, and Turkey. For these countries’ income levels, the estimates of the damage to the environment [and its impact on GDP] is about two or three per cent. You can think of that as the loss [of income] per year from destroying the environment and the climate. Why does that not touch us? It is because that is a public good, everyone is affected, and it is an externality. The other point is, if I took a good action my neighbour, Sri Lanka, would also benefit. What is wrong with that and why do I care? One set of steps is to do the things that are in one’s own interest, make the point and do it for yourself. And there is quite a lot we can do in developed and developing countries – energy efficiency, reducing energy subsidies, and stopping deforestation – these are all good for the climate, good for the poor and good for the finances.

Renewable energy is more difficult to put into that basket because there are financial implications. Those are areas where agreements with other partners on transfer of technology, know-how and so forth, also needs to come [into the picture]. [If that happens] then over time making the transfer to cleaner forms of energy would also be in the list of things that a country would want to do. Then there are many innovations [by] the private sector and scaling them up would be part of the answer.

One step, therefore, would be to go much further in these directions.

Since Cancun, the dramatic news or change is that the Environment and Forest Ministries of two major countries have taken a view, much more clearly, that a cleaner, better environment is good for growth – and that is China and India. So what Minister Jairam Ramesh is good for the environment but it is also good for growth and that recognition is important for India. In the long term it will not be possible to grow at 8.5 per cent if natural disasters, agricultural disasters and pollution will reduce GDP by around 3 per cent a year. It just will not be possible.

On the national side, a lot can be done, but the great news is the strong move [towards this goal] made by the Ministers for Environment in China and India. That to me is half of the lesson.

On that subject, do you think that their examples show that politics can get in the way?

Absolutely, this is true. I have the advantage of being at a distance, to not know from one day to the next what allegations [made against the Ministers] were true or not true. But the principle of it, that the environment and growth are not opposing values and they go together, is a change that these two ministers have signalled. Coming as it does from the two most populous and largest developing countries, that is significant. Then of course on the international front it is extremely important to make progress in the next round and keep going.

Arab spring

While most of the newspaper headlines focus on the political and security consequences of what has been described as the “Arab spring” what does the recent turmoil in countries such as Egypt, Tunisia and others mean in terms of development goals? Specifically could you talk about both development as economic prosperity and also what Amartya Sen has called development as freedom?

The term “Arab Spring” is appropriate because there are parts of it that are about unrest and turmoil, and parts of it that are about liberation. It is a complex phenomenon and one needs to call it in a way that signals hope and progress and at the same time desperation and deprivation too. The trigger points do have links to food prices, although that is not to say those are the most significant [factors]. Price increases in food coming in the wake of the Russian drought did have an impact on Egypt and I think climate change has everything to do with it.

Second, there is the question of inclusion. India and China have made inclusion their motto of development and that is partly because it is a good thing to do but also partly because it is a political reality. If you do not include people in your progress you are going to be voted out or you are going to be pushed out.

If that is the case it is striking that Egypt, Tunisia and others are countries that have a great deal of exclusion and inequality but not so much inequality of income even as you have in some parts of Asia and certainly not as much as you have in Latin America.

Exclusion is not just about income – it is also about whether you are included in decision-making, are you a part of society, if you are educated are you included in the employment pool or are government jobs set aside for the privileged? Every one of these [dimensions] is as important as income inequality – that is the powerful [lesson].

I was just looking at the numbers and thinking that Egypt and Tunisia must be very unequal because a lack of inclusion must be [a driving force behind the unrest] – but it was not. Income inequality [in these countries] is not worse than in China or any other place. But there is an exclusion of a different type and a different order that transcends all that and that partly is reflected in a 30 per cent rate of unemployment among youth – if you are not employed you are excluded right? The man who set himself on fire in Tunisia was desperate.

Exclusion as Amartya Sen has discussed it is fundamental and a human right to have a voice in the way your community or country is run. That democratic dimension is very much a part of the picture and so it is economic, political and social.

So you see these developments as definitely positive?

It is complex in that in and of itself it does not necessarily give you the basis for saying that the economy is going to grow and social and political inclusion will follow. There is enough experience to say that in some democratic transitions the economic reforms and changes did not happen overnight. But [it is important] to signal that it is as much about positive change that people are trying to bring about as a reflection of the deprivation and the dark side that we have seen in the past.

World Bank policies

Moving from these global macro issues to the World Bank itself, could you tell us a bit about how the Bank is placed as a leading development lender today, in terms of its own institutional strengths and weaknesses? Also in earlier comments regarding an Independent Evaluations Group [IEG] report we discussed the view that the Bank responded to the crisis with “some delay” – what lessons were learned from that experience?

The crises have brought out a bigger place and a bigger role for the World Bank Group than we had recognised in the last 20 years. It has been a much more decisive player in the economic crisis. The delay that was seen in the response on the part of all organisations including the World Bank was only offset by an infusion of capital from the World Bank – the largest of which went to India – a worldwide disbursement of $80 billion over two years. [This disbursement] put it at a level bigger than the IMF, which is primarily designed and set up to meet such crises. We have suddenly seen a World Bank that is not a small player and can be a big player on the global stage, at least in this economic crisis. In retrospect I am giving a very strong positive signal on what this institution can do.

Against the crisis that we talked about you need strong capable organisations to take on responsibilities. The experience of the World Bank’s response to the economic crisis gives me, on the basis of evaluation, to say that this organisation is a pretty strong one to deal with some of these issues.

It can, should and needs to gear up far more in being able to take on and help in the environmental, natural disaster and climate crises. In the case of the food crisis as well it has particularly geared up to support low-income countries. It is a striking revelation that sometimes it takes a crisis to see strengths, and the World Bank Group has come through as a pretty powerful organisation that needs to be utilised much more, not in terms of money, but in terms of its ability to work with the government and private sector to confront these three or four crises that we are facing today. It cannot be [achieved] alone – it really has to strike stronger partnerships with others. But it is a strong organisation on the basis of its performance during this economic crisis.

About yourself

You retire this year from IEG after a long and most successful career in the Bank through some of its most interesting times – what have been some of the memorable highlights? Also, what lies ahead for you?

On the highlights the delay that takes place in the recognition of issues that eventually prove to be of crisis proportion in the development area is one point that strikes me. There is a sense of a group mentality. Little by little, you get glimpses of a different view, but it just takes quite some time before the establishment or conventional wisdom begins to recognise them. Examples are the old style structural adjustment – it just took so long for that to be replaced. The priority for environment and climate change is still [in some ways considered] somebody else’s problem. Inclusion and poverty are important in the early stages of a financial crisis – it took three crises before that became understood. There is a momentum for simply going along with what is.

In a recent report, the Independent Evaluation Group of the IMF said that during the crisis the IMF was completely unprepared, reacted very slowly and there were warning signs that were given inside and outside. However these were not heeded because of what they called group-think. In development and in the IMF’s financial areas as well the comfort level of just going along with things and how long it takes to reverse [that] – that stands out as one highlight.

The second highlight is that I have sensed the immense strength of an organisation like the World Bank when it has worked behind countries, not in front of countries. [In this list are] countries including India, Brazil, Vietnam and Ghana, where there is a strong partnership and the countries have taken steps for which the World Bank provides support from behind and then connects people and brings knowledge and so forth. [Under this model] very interesting things happen and new ideas, new innovations and new projects and programmes [emerge]. That has been a very striking experience for me.

What do you mean by “working in front of” countries?

By that I mean saying “Here is a prescription, take it and you will be cured.” You will be amazed that that still happens but the examples [of working behind countries] are [increasing]. It may have to do with how well countries are doing, leading the way themselves a bit more. The middle-income countries seem to be doing better because they are also doing things on their own. So I gave you cause for pause with one set of examples and cause for optimism with another set of examples.

What about your own plans?

I will complete my extension in August of this year. The Asian Development Bank has made a very interesting offer that allows me to continue this in Asia. I became an evaluator five years ago and if I just stopped that it would be like an investment wasted. This is an opportunity to apply that in an organisation that is growing, it is bigger, it is very important in Asia and it is also closer to home. [I will be working as the] Director-General of Evaluation there.

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Monday, August 30, 2010

 

Sharp criticism for IPCC leadership


From The Hindu

The United Nations' top institution for climate change policy, the Inter-governmental Panel on Climate Change, has come in for sharp criticism from an independent review, which has recommended “fundamental reform of IPCC management structure.”

The IPCC had earlier found itself embroiled in a controversy over whether some of its members had deliberately overstated the case for climate change, prompting calls for such a review.

The review was conducted by the Inter-Academy Council and was “completely independent of the U.N.”, according to U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.

The IAC's report criticised the leadership of the IPCC, which is chaired by Indian scientist Rajendra Pachauri, and its procedures and operational guidelines for research, areas such as governance and management, review process, characterising and communicating uncertainty and transparency.

The IAC said the IPCC should encourage review editors to “fully exercise their authority to ensure reviewers' comments are adequately considered by the authors” and that “genuine controversies” are adequately reflected in the report.

The review report said the current limit of two six-year term for the IPCC chairman was too long. The terms for the IPCC top leadership should be limited to one assessment in order to maintain a variety of perspectives and fresh approach to each assessment, the IAC noted.

According to reports Mr. Pachauri said the decision about the duration of his tenure would have to be made at the full meeting of the IPCC in Korea in October.

The IAC said stronger enforcement of existing IPCC review procedures were required to minimise the number of errors.

The use of so-called “gray literature” from unpublished or non-peer-reviewed sources has been controversial and the guidelines for the use of such literature were currently “too vague,” the IAC Committee was reported to have said.

Criticising the IPCC's “slow and inadequate response to revelations of errors”, in previous assessments and complaints that its leaders had gone beyond mandate to be “policy relevant, not policy prescriptive” in their public comments, the IAC said the climate body's communications had become a “critical issue.”

Overall the IAC committee noted the quality of the assessment process and results depended upon the quality of the leadership at all levels, adding: “It is only by engaging the energy and expertise of a large cadre of distinguished scholars as well as the thoughtful participation of government representatives that high standards are maintained and that truly authoritative assessments continue to be produced.”

The IAC stressed that because intense scrutiny from policymakers and the public was likely to continue, the IPCC “needs to be as transparent as possible in detailing its processes, particularly its criteria for selecting participants and the type of scientific and technical information to be assessed.”

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Friday, August 20, 2010

 

India-U.S. clean energy research centre established

From The Hindu

India and the U.S. on Friday formally signed an agreement for cooperation on a joint Clean Energy Research Development Centre.

The agreement follows from the discussions held between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and President Barack Obama during the former's visit to Washington in November 2009.

At the time the countries signed a memorandum of understanding to enhance cooperation on energy security, energy efficiency and climate change.

Discussions on the same saw further progress during the Strategic Dialogue held in June this year.

An official statement noted that priority initiatives under the MoU included the setting up of a joint research centre to “foster innovation and joint efforts to accelerate deployment of clean energy technologies.”

The agreement was signed by Indian Ambassador Meera Shankar and Deputy Secretary of Energy in the U.S. Department of Energy Daniel Poneman.

The Centre aims to facilitate joint research and development by teams of scientists and engineers from the U.S. and India on clean energy, officials here said. Under the arrangements, the areas of cooperation would include energy efficiency of buildings, smart grids, unconventional natural gas, second-generation bio fuels, clean coal technologies and solar energy.

Both governments would provide funding for the activities “to help ensure long-term and stable financial support to achieve the objectives of the Centre,” a statement confirmed.

The Indian embassy here said that the agreement was a “significant step forward” in bolstering bilateral cooperation in an area of growing national and international priority.

Embassy officials further said to The Hindu that the research centre would be ‘virtual,' and not have any fixed physical locations.

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Monday, April 19, 2010

 

Stage set for Cancun


From The Hindu

The Major Economies Forum, a platform for ministerial discussions on energy and climate issues, wrapped up today after two days of meetings focussing on preparing for the summit on climate change in Cancun in November 2010. The Forum was chaired by National Security Advisor for International Economic Affairs Michael Froman and led on the United States side by Todd Stern, Special Envoy for climate and Deputy.

At a press interaction on Friday State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley said, “We are going to see if we cannot continue our dialogue among major developed and developing economies to make progress in meeting our objectives on climate change and the Clean Energy Challenge.” He added that there was clearly a gap between the views of the developing and developed world, and “We are going to see if we can, through the course of this discussion, narrow that down.”

Indian Minister of State for Environment and Forests Jairam Ramesh, who could not participate due to the volcanic ash cloud from Iceland disrupting travel plans, also touched upon the question of divergent views among climate change interlocutors.

In his statements to the Forum, which he shared with The Hindu, Mr. Ramesh stressed the importance of “reducing the huge ‘trust deficit’ that prevails in the climate change negotiating community.” To do so, Mr. Ramesh argued, it should be recognised that the two-track negotiating process is the only one that has legitimacy that even though the Copenhagen Accord was important. He further said that “visible triggers” were needed to ensure that “Cancun does not repeat Copenhagen.

One such trigger would be the start of the actual disbursement of the $10 billion promised by the developed countries for this year for vulnerable economies and another could be an agreement on the United Nations Collaborative Programme on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation in Developing Countries, he said.

Mr. Ramesh also stressed India’s emphasis on the need for equity in arrangements for mitigating the effects of climate change, saying that such arrangements “must be firmly embedded in a demonstrably equitable access to atmospheric space with adequate finance and technology available to all developing countries.”

Finally he also questioned the “mantra” ‘internationally legally-binding agreement’ which, he said, some developed countries kept chanting: What does it mean in practice, he asked, and what consequences of non-fulfilment would follow?

The Major Economies Forum has so far held five meetings at the leaders’ representatives level and one leaders meeting in July 2009 at L’Aquila in Italy. The declaration following the leaders’ meeting agreed on various goals including undertaking nationally appropriate mitigation actions, adaptation to the adverse effects of climate change, a global partnership to drive transformational low-carbon, climate-friendly technologies, scaling up of financial resources for mitigation and adaptation and a continuing schedule meetings to coordinate the fight against climate change

The 17 major-economy members of the Forum are: Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, the European Union, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Korea, Mexico, Russia, South Africa, the United Kingdom, and the U.S.

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Thursday, March 11, 2010

 

UN to hold independent review of IPCC: Ban



From The Hindu


The United Nations has initiated, in tandem with the Chair of the Inter-governmental Panel on Climate Change, “a comprehensive, independent review of the IPCC's procedures and processes”, including its 2007 Fourth Assessment Report, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said on Wednesday.

While arguing he had seen no credible evidence challenging the main conclusions of the IPCC report and the consensus on climate change, he admitted, “Regrettably, there were a very small number of errors in the Fourth Assessment Report.” He added that it was important to remember that the report was a “3,000 page synthesis of complex scientific data.”

The Report found that the warming of the climate is outpacing natural variability, driven largely by human activity. The U.N. however acknowledged that its credibility had come into question after revelations that the landmark publication contained some mistakes, including over the rate of Himalayan glacier melt.

According to sources the Report’s claim that most Himalayan glaciers would melt by 2035, was based on information from the environmental group WWF. Similarly the claim was that global warming might destroy 40 percent of the Amazon rainforest was “based on an unsubstantiated claim by green campaigners who had no scientific expertise.”

The IPCC Chairman, Rajendra Pachauri has also recently come under fire for such lapses. Amid calls for his resignation on Wednesday he said, “We have received some criticism. We are receptive and sensitive to that and we are doing something about it."

The review would be conducted by the InterAcademy Council (IAC), an international scientific organisation, Mr. Ban clarified, saying “It will be conducted completely independently of the United Nations.” It will be led by IAC co-chairs Robbert Dijkgraaf, who heads the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Science, and Lu Yongxiang, President of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, according to the U.N.

Scientists will be selected to serve on a “voluntary and unpaid basis to prepare a draft report on their findings, which will then undergo an intensive peer review by other scientists”. Characterising the task as “forward-looking,” Mr. Dijkgraaf said that there are “no preconceived conclusions.” He said the IAC would consider issues of data quality assurance and control; procedures for correcting errors; and analyzing the IPCC’s communications strategies.

The endeavour would be funded by the U.N. and its final report would be submitted to Mr. Ban, the IPCC, with subsequent transmission to the UN Environment Programme and the World Meteorological Organisation.

Outlining the main purpose of the review Mr. Ban said, “We need to act based on the best possible science. We need to ensure full transparency, accuracy and objectivity, and minimise the potential for any errors going forward.”

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Friday, September 25, 2009

 

‘One of the most important and best relationships in the world’

From The Hindu


Photo: M. Vedhan


Timothy J. Roemer, nominated by President Barack Obama as the 21st U.S. Ambassador to India, presented his credentials to President Pratibha Patil on August 11, 2009. Acting on the advice of Mr. Obama to get out of New Delhi to meet Indians all around the country, the former six-term Congressman and former president of the Center for National Policy in Washington D.C. visited Chennai in September for a packed schedule of meetings. Dr. Roemer addressed a range of bilateral, U.S. policy, and international issues while fielding questions during a one-hour interactive editorial meeting at The Hindu on September 24.

Shyam Ranganathan and Narayan Lakshman present an edited excerpt from the conversation (the full text is available at The Hindu's beta website):

Strategic cooperation

When President Obama asked me to serve in this role, he said this is not only one of the most important relationships in the world, it will be one of the best relationships in the world. The President, like the Secretary of State, meant this not only on bilateral issues such as the civilian nuclear deal that was passed by both our respective legislatures and approved by the executive branches, but now moving from one very important issue to five extremely important issues of bilateral, regional and global consequences.

Five pillars

We have a common threat with radical extremism emanating from different parts of the world particularly from al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and Lashkar-e-Toiba. And both India and the United States identify this common threat. After the attacks of 9/11 and after the Mumbai attacks, we are working together at unprecedented levels to share intelligence, to assess our strategic interests, to better train our personnel, to send delegations of people back and forth between the United States and India in a joint way so we learn from India and that India learns from the United States.

There are also areas that are extremely important on climate and energy security issues that the two countries can work on. I think both countries see it in their strategic interest to lessen their dependence on oil, on imported oil, and broaden their alternatives, co-operate more on technology and science, improve their energy efficiency and their conservation, look for new markets so their entrepreneurs can raise money to create new jobs respectively in the United States and in India. This is a very exciting and important part of this partnership moving forward.

There are also areas of development, education, healthcare, that are extremely important to the two countries. There are also issues of strategic cooperation on agriculture and something that was referred to in the 1960s as the Green Revolution. The last one I would mention would be economics, trade and investment opportunities. The United States and India look for more partnerships moving forward that benefit both the United States and India in this global economy.

Public diplomacy

This President of ours thinks in broad and big and ambitious terms. That is why he wants to take this relationship from the civilian nuclear deal to five strategic partnerships. He expects me to meet as many people as I can. Public diplomacy is a vital goal for the President of the United States. It is for me to meet everyday Indians to see what families are experiencing, to see how we can listen and learn, to see how we can improve the people-to-people ties because of course it is the people-to-people ties that have been leading this relationship over the last few decades. 95,000 Indian students are in American schools. We have several million Indians engaged and active in the American community. We have very intimate business-to-business ties.

This relationship is very positive and on a trajectory going up in extremely optimistic ways. When Presidents and Prime Ministers get along so well, when you have these great people-to-people ties, when you have a strategic vision, an ambitious vision of five new dialogues and pillars to move this relationship forward, that bodes extremely well for our relationship going forward.

Change and continuity in the Obama administration

A lot of credit must go to the Republican Party, to the Democratic Party, to President Clinton, to President Bush, to governments here in India, to the BJP party, to the Congress party, to Mr. Vajpayee, to Prime Minister Singh, to the people-to-people ties. This is a relationship that is constant, that is continuous, that is forged on historic ties, that are people-to-people, business-to-business, and government-to-government at many levels. The continuity is a strength of the relationship.

I think that change is also a harbinger of an Obama administration and Secretary Clinton’s leadership style that wants to do big, bold agendas and believes that we can do several things at the same time – that we can expand on the success of the civilian nuclear deal that expanded the confidence and trust between our two governments. That provided essential steps forward in our relationship – jobs in America, opportunities for increased electricity and power, and life-changing results for people in rural communities that desperately need access to electricity.

This is a great foundation to build on, but now we have more pillars, more great things to accomplish together not only in the bilateral relationship. With India’s emergence as a leading regional and global player, there are many opportunities to forge these relationships for India to lead on globally – proliferation and disarmament issues, energy security issues, green revolution issues, education reform issues, security issues leading the way to cooperate against the regional and global threats like the al-Qaeda and the Lashkar-e-Toiba. So there is both continuity and change in this relationship. Both are statements of the stability in the relationship. But the change also challenges both countries to do bigger and broader things together on a global stage.

Trade policy

The President is very cognisant of the fact that free and fair trade helps grow our economy at home. It will be a fundamental goal for me as United States Ambassador here to strengthen the trade, investment, and economic opportunities between our two countries. That has been on a trajectory upwards.

The President recognises that helping our businesses get access to new markets is absolutely essential for future economic growth and continuing to pull out of this (as it’s called in America) Great Recession. The President talked very eloquently in the campaign about creating new jobs, green collar jobs, and creating new markets for those green collar jobs. Hybrid cars, new batteries, solar power, geo-thermal power, alternative technologies, clean coal technologies and finding ways to exchange these technologies, trade these technologies, sell these technologies with other global players.

When he became President, several of his initiatives passed through Congress. The stimulus bill contained tens of billions of dollars for alternative energy investments to follow through on his pledge to create green collar jobs, to look for more opportunities in the United States and globally. In some subsequent legislation, not just in the stimulus bill but in the pending bill on energy that is in the U.S. Senate now, he has got billions of dollars of additional money for new investment opportunities in the energy sector. So he has committed his words, his eloquence to this issue, but he has also committed his political capital and achieved much in these areas legislatively.

Civilian nuclear cooperation

We are certainly very pleased with the progress attained in this historic deal and in this relationship on the civilian nuclear partnership. There are however some key legacy issues to complete. It is extremely important to the Obama administration that we try to do these as soon as possible — for India’s interests and also for the United States of America’s interests. This means commitment and fulfillment of an agreement, jobs for Americans, and electricity and changing people’s lives in India.

There are issues such as the public announcement of the two reactor sites for the United States and the two States that they will be located in. We are waiting for the Indian government to publicly announce that.

We are working closely with the Indian government on all these issues but also on the declaration of safeguarded facilities with the IAEA. We think there is great progress being made there. We hope to get that over the finish line. There is needed liability legislation passed through Parliament in India. We are hopeful that it will be completed in time for the Prime Minister’s visit in November. And then there is the issue on licensing that we still have to complete.

U.S. companies are very anxious and excited to have this completed. I can also assure you that at the highest levels of the United States government this is an extremely important and vital priority. It just so happens out of the four or five remaining legacy issues, almost every one of them is in the court of the Indian government.

Climate change: resources committed

The President has committed not only money and resources to climate change, but also his energy bill and his stimulus bill, to the tune of tens of billions of dollars. He has committed people to it. When the President took office he appointed people like Carol Browner and Lisa Jackson — Carol Browner, in the White House to help strategise on climate change and energy security issues, who served in the Clinton administration. Lisa Jackson is in charge of the EPA [Environmental Protection Agency] — somebody at the state level who has put climate and energy issues at the front and centre of her career.

He has a Vice-President who is firmly committed to these issues and an Energy Secretary too, who has brought great expertise from the National Labs to the energy and climate change issues. In Congress he has allies — in the Senate and in the House — people like Barbara Boxer and Howard Berrman, key strategists throughout the legislative branch who are working hard, supporting his legislation and his initiatives.

So from the level of money and resources to the level of personnel and time in the White House, to people who are helping him and partnering with him in the legislative area, there is a great deal of commitment to this climate issue. We hope that is contagious. We hope key players like India will also look at some of the challenges in their country.

We have made mistakes on this issue in our history. So I think rather than following some of our example on this, our two countries must work together for innovative, new solutions – reforestation programmes, planting new trees to form the sink to absorb some of the carbon emissions, alternative energy sources, science and technology partnerships, global partnerships with India and other countries. I think this is key.

Action on terrorism

You have to remember that about two months after 9/11 took place, a man by the name of Osama Bin Laden said it was not 19 Arab armies or 19 Arab tanks that attacked the U.S. — it was 19 postgraduate students! He was saying it’s a different world; that the transnational threats are very real, and it’s not just the nation state that can be a threat. It could be a cell of terrorists being trained somewhere north of here, coming in and attacking in Mumbai. It can be a cell of people training in Afghanistan and going into New York City. It can be a cyber security or computer threat. It can be a healthcare threat.

In almost every press conference I have had in my short tenure here, I have underscored the importance of the U.S. and India working together to confront this common global threat. Encouraging the government of Pakistan to bring the perpetrators of the bloodthirsty attacks in Mumbai to justice is absolutely key.

The U.S. government is completely devoted to going after people who are threatening our allies, like India, and killing Americans. That needs to be urgent, timely and comprehensive, on the part of the Pakistan government — to implement the sentences on these six people they now have on trial. I would also take it a step further than you have and say that people like Hafiz Sayeed, who are on the Interpol Red Notice List, who are on the UN 1267 Resolution, who have long been on lists in the U.S., need to be brought to justice.

Finally, the third point, which is absolutely vital for our moving forward and successfully taking on this common threat, is to help dismantle the infrastructure of LeT [Lashkar-e-Toiba], who have become a regional threat, not just a threat to India, but a player in terrorism and destruction in this entire region.

Those are three extremely important issues. At the same time we talk about national security issue, it is vitally important for the U.S. and India to talk about the economic issues, the education issues, the alleviation of poverty issues, where 650 million people in India live on less than $2 a day, the public diplomacy issues that the President has tasked me with – getting out and meeting people, broadening and deepening this relationship. It’s not just only about national security but about economic security, development security, energy security — that’s where this relationship really has the ability to grow.

Teach for America and India

I had a very productive, interesting, and expansive discussion with your new Minister of Human Resources and Education, Kapil Sibal. We talked about the opportunities for moving forward on higher education and legislation that, I think, is soon to be introduced. Hopefully this is legislation that might allow these partnerships to grow and prosper in the future, between American universities and Indian universities, that would guarantee a sound curriculum, good faculty, good partnerships.

The Teach for America idea, originated by Wendy Kopp in America, where we now go out in America and try to recruit some of our best and brightest to teach under some of the most difficult circumstances in inner city schools and rural schools, where it is hard to place teachers in American schools – how might we replicate that in India?

There is a Teach for India programme – how might that be scaled up to get more and more teachers into the communities? I heard from people in the Indian community in this Round Table that they are concerned that we need more and more people going into the teaching profession in India.

Quality and access in education

Access to education in America is broad, wide, and expansive. Whether you are living on a native American Indian reservation, whether you are in an inner city school, whether you are a disabled student, you have access to public education in America.

We worked on this bill called “No Child Left Behind.” We were able to pass that legislation with bipartisan support. There were two fundamentally important goals.

One, we said in a global economy it is absolutely essential that when you are passed from the sixth grade to the seventh grade or out of high school, there need to be specific goals and curricula and standards you have attained. It does not do anybody any good, whether you be poor or disadvantaged, or rich and advantaged, to be passing somebody through school but they cannot read at the right level, or they do not have the right sense of history, or they haven’t attained the goals of the technical training and drafting or an animation that it required, the computer skills.

So we set strict standards in this legislation saying you need to be able to attain certain goals going from one grade to the next. A diploma will mean something and you have to earn this in this 21st century global economy, which is so competitive.

Secondly, we said that we need to continue to be able to recruit, train and promote the best teachers in the world. If you are teaching students physics, you should be certified in physics. If you are teaching English you should be certified in English and have a broad background in Shakespeare and Byron and the great writers of the world rather than be trained in a different area. So we insisted on certain goals being reached on teacher training and teacher qualifications.

I think both of those goals try to get to this issue: with a vast opportunity of access in America, extended to so many groups of people, how do you insist on quality? How do you improve quality going forward with the teacher training programmes, with the teacher certification programmes, and with the student performance programmes? I think we found a good balance in “No Child Left Behind.”

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Tuesday, August 04, 2009

 

India should accept climate change flow obligations, ask for superfund: Jagdish Bhagwati

Quid pro quo in services sector negotiations is needed. But so are rules on hiring and firing.

Jagdish Bhagwati, University Professor at Columbia University and Senior Fellow in International Economics at the Council on Foreign Relations, is regarded as one of the foremost international trade economists of his generation. He has been Economic Policy Adviser to Arthur Dunkel, Director General of GATT (1991-93), Special Adviser to the UN on Globalization, and External Adviser to the WTO. In this interview to The Hindu in Chennai, Professor Bhagwati outlined some of the key challenges that remain for India in the climate change discussions in Copenhagen in December 2009 and in the upcoming negotiations on the Doha Round. Edited excerpts

On climate change: how much progress do the recent discussions, including agreeing a cap on global temperature rises, represent for countries like India and China? In some cases domestic constituencies may be hard to convince on the actions required to meet targets.

If you look back at Kyoto, we have two problems. One is that there is a carbon sink up there and the bulk of it, something like 80 per cent, has come from the West, predominantly from the United States and the European Union (EU). So you have that as one fact. The other fact is the current flow obligation. Call the carbon sink the stock problem. Then we have the flow problem because we are currently discharging CO2 into the air. That is where China in particular, in gross emissions, is almost exceeding the U.S. now and we are the third or the fourth.

There the compromise was arrived at when people said, “You have been doing a lot [of polluting] in the past, you have damaged the environment, do not blame us, we should have no obligations now” – that was taken at face value. Tim Wirth, who represented the U.S., and Madeleine Albright, agreed that the way to fix this disparity between flow and stock obligations is to say “You do not have to pay anything now.” That was stalled in the Senate. Senator Byrd and Senator Hagel led the fight in the bipartisan [debate]. But the resolution was passed 95-0; they said: “We should not let off India and China; it will affect the competitiveness of our industries.”

I came up with the idea that we should address the stock problem separately from the flow problem. We should expect India and China to assume flow obligations but part of that solution has to be that the stock obligation is fulfilled by the West. Then I found that the Americans themselves have what they call a “Superfund,” under which strict liability is assigned for past damage – they have a tort liability.

But this addresses the stock side; what do you propose for the flow side?

If we say that the West has to give us money for us to adopt new technologies, why should they want to do that? They are all saying “No” right now. But if you say “You have got to pay for past damages if you want us to accept current obligations;” that is fair and equitable. Then that money, once the superfund is established, can be used for exactly the kind of things India is asking for — for mitigation, for accommodation, and for financing the creation of public goods and so on.

I have also tried hard to get the Indian side to accept this. I have sent my paper to the Prime Minister. Sometimes they say “But we have already asked for funds.” But that is not the issue. If you simply ask for funds, that sounds like asking for aid. This is not aid – it is really a matter of what the West owes if they want us also to do something. That is fair and equitable. So I think that is an area where you can really make progress on this issue. We will also have to decide what the current flow obligations we take on are. On the stock side, I think it should really be a way to get at this problem.

The U.S. has taken the approach of the Waxman-Markey Bill which was just passed in the Congress House. They are going to use cap and trade, which is the quantitative equivalent of a carbon tax. If India, for example, does not have a similar carbon tax, then they will put in a tax adjustment, meaning essentially it is a tariff against the Indians, thereby making them pay for it. At one level it is a matter of intimidation. I do not think it will work when we are objecting to it.

Supposing we lose [this debate] — do we then surrender? We cannot go against the WTO but the only thing we have to and should say is, “We can also take WTO action against you, if you start playing this game.” For one thing, we can say our petroleum tax is much higher than that of the U.S. and we can call it a carbon tax as it does relate to carbon also. So we can say “We will put a tax on your exports to us.” We can do that. We can play the same game within the carbon game or we can shift the two nuclear reactor sites under the G8 to the French or the Russians. We are now big enough, in my opinion, to contemplate such options.

Recent reports have indicated that 83 new measures that go against free trade principles have been enacted across countries. Are you not worried that these will be difficult to roll back?

Most of the actions reported are safeguard actions and anti-dumping actions. Those are actions where you are exercising your rights. One wishes they were not doing so, but you cannot really object to them as such exit strategies are built into WTO rules, at least on a temporary basis. Especially when things get rough – and right now they are – the ability to toe the line is being strained in many democratic countries. So that part does not really bother me that much. But if you go beyond that and look at protectionist interventions where you are violating your obligations, by doing things that you agreed not to do, that is something that is still not on a scale that you need to worry about.

In terms of effects on trade, are they any different from actions that violate WTO rules?

The effect would be identical. But the effect in terms of the prospective impact may not. When you undermine rules, people feel they can do a variety of things and they are not constrained. Therefore the expectations you set up are important. This is the problem about settling the Doha trade negotiations. Therefore the rules such as we have built in will get undermined. That is what people are worried about – the effect on the system. It is hard to quantify that because that is actually a matter of how the situation will unfold.

Do you not think protectionist “Buy American”-type clauses associated with the bailout funds will stall the Doha process further?

If you look at all these actions, it is a matter of what value of trade they cover. Look at anti-dumping actions. You find, typically in the literature, the argument that India is the worst user of anti-dumping actions, not the U.S. or the EU. But when you actually look at the value of trade you discover that it is minuscule compared to what [the U.S. and the EU] are doing. So you have to put it into some perspective like that. I do not think in the value of the trade covered, it amounts to anything very substantial.

[Regarding policies] like “Buy American”, they are going to realise as soon as they are out of trouble that this is not really what they want to do because there has been so much criticism. Even Obama, because of all these criticisms coming particularly from people who are worried about export markets, like Caterpillar and GE and so on, put in a rider or qualifier saying it has to be consistent with our WTO obligations.

What would be the elements of the open world economy? You mentioned trade and investment and the movement of natural persons.

What we are talking about is temporary immigration. We should be able to export services, but embodied in people. That is what we call the movement of natural persons. We are talking about service transactions. So the second leg is GATS, the General Agreement on Trade and Services.

These are some of the issues that can be put into the Doha Round but so far we have no real concessions on these issues. It is something which could be taken up by the Indian administration. But against that you have to give something in the services sector. What would we give? In areas like banking and insurance we are sufficiently developed and resilient to be able to offer something. It is difficult to offer, in my view, any entry subject to a given level of protection simply because we do not have a safeguard clause in the services sector.

This is what we could do – have a service sector quid pro quo, where both countries would be better off. But I think we need rules also on hiring and firing because that is where everybody is going now. Even in India there is great pressure. Is not that what the recent trouble in the airline industry is about?

Longer version of article

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